HONDURAS: The US Can't Get the OAS to Recognize Honduras
"... the OAS is reflecting the power struggle between South America and the indivisible US-Canada block."
BELOW: An article, by Annie Bird, about the political struggle inside the OAS concerning the re-admission of the post-military coup regime in Honduras. The chance of democracy and rule of law in Honduras, and across the Americas, hang in the balance.
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SERIAL COUPS RELATED TO HONDURAS, BUT ...
THE UNITED STATES STILL CAN'T GET THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES TO RECOGNIZE HONDURAS
By Annie Bird, Rights Action co-director, annie@rightsaction.org, www.rightsaction.org
The OAS, SICA, UNASUR, WB, IDB... the acronyms are dizzying, but one thing is clear, if the US can't force its agenda through international bodies by legal means, then breaking the rules - violating democracy and the rule of law - does not seem to be a problem for the US and its allies.
The problem for the US is that many nations in Latin America will no longer accept coups. Honduras' resistance is setting an extremely important precedent.
JULY 30 OAS MEETING ON HONDURAS CANCELED
During the June 6-8, 2010 annual meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS), the US voiced strong support for lifting the suspension of Honduras from the OAS, put into effect following the June 28, 2009 oligarchic-military coup.
Unable to get the issue on the agenda at that meeting, the US backed an initiative to have the OAS General Secretary Jose Insulza author a report on Honduras and submit it on July 30 to the Permanent Council. Since his re-election as Secretary General early this year, Insulza's actions on Honduras have become very closely aligned to that of the US.
It was expected that in a July 30 meeting the OAS would decide whether or not to lift Honduras' suspension. However, the negotiations and lobbying Insulza undertook under the guise of compiling a report did not result in agreements between the coup government and the ousted president Zelaya, and did not generate enough support to lift Honduras' suspension. So, the July 30 meeting has been canceled.
Though OAS articles and decision making procedures could allow the suspension to be lifted with 2/3 of the member nations voting in favor, the OAS has a strong history of operating by consensus. Even the controversial June 2009 resolution to lift the suspension of Cuba was done by a unanimous decision of OAS members.
However, Honduran press reports claimed that the reintegration of Honduras would be done through a majority voting process, breaking with longstanding, essentially common law, tradition. Though Insulza assured Zelaya representatives that any decision on Honduras would be done by consensus, conflicting reports in Honduran press caused concern.
WARNING: COUPS ARE HABIT FORMING - ONE COUP LEADS TO ANOTHER, AND ANOTHER, ...
Had a vote been forced in the OAS, it would essentially have been a quasi coup against a longstanding principal in international law, but recent actions in other multilateral bodies lead one to fear it may have been in the works.
In the days after the June 28, 2009 coup, the OAS suspended Honduras, as did the System for Central American Integration, SICA. The World Bank, WB, and Inter American Development, IDB, put a "hold" on funding disbursements and signing of new loans, though apparently some funds were quietly released. The United Nations passed a resolution calling on member nations to not recognize Honduras.
Following the still not internationally recognized coup government sponsored elections in November 2009, the WB and IDB formally reestablished normal funding of Honduras in July, although the mandate of the IDB specifically stipulates funding is for members of the OAS.
The IDB's violation of its own charter is, in its way, a coup.
Though Central American nations are clearly subject to tremendous US pressure, SICA resisted readmitting Honduras. SICA's bylaws stipulate that such decisions must be made in unanimity. Since Nicaragua steadfastly refused to recognize the Lobo government, SICA could not readmit Honduras during the June 29, 2010 regular meetings.
El Salvadoran president Sergio Funes then convoked an extraordinary session for July 20, 2010 to specifically address readmission of Honduras. Insulza was present during the SICA meeting, readmission to SICA was seen as a prerequisite to readmission to the OAS.
Though Nicaragua did not attend the meeting, the remaining SICA presidents issued the decision to readmit Honduras, a violation of SICA's mandate, and yet another coup.
WHY WAS THE JULY 30 MEETING CANCELED?
There are many possible reasons for canceling the July 30 OAS meeting. The commission headed by Insulza may have determined that conditions simply do not exist to readmit Honduras. OAS member nations that favored readmission may not ever have been willing to force a vote, breaking with the consensus tradition.
Even if forcing a vote had been considered, the possibility of losing the vote may have been too strong to make such a dramatic break with tradition politically viable. Twelve votes were needed to block readmission, even with just a few of the many wavering nations voting against lifting the suspension along with the nine countries firmly opposed, the vote would have been lost.
Strong voices were heard in the OAS missions in the days leading up to the proposed meeting. Letters rejecting readmission of Honduras were sent by Honduran and international human rights organizations to Permanent Council missions, and the FMLN political party prohibited President Mauricio Funes from voting to lift the suspension.
Another possibility is that initially a block of nations may have intended to force a vote, breaking with tradition, but such an action following the polarization that happened after Colombia called an emergency meeting to accuse Venezuela of providing refuge to the FARC and resulting in an emergency session of the Union of South American Nations, UNASUR in Ecuador could have placed in danger the OAS as an institution.
THE OAS NO LONGER A PUPPET SHOW?
Over the fifty-one years of OAS existence, its halls, between the Mall and the White House, have welcomed uncountable representatives of military governments in their many forms. It seems the only criteria for participation were agreement with US interests; the only member ever previously suspended had been Cuba.
Dominance by the US in the OAS plays out not by its voting power. In contrast to the WB and the IDB, where voting power is determined by how much money each member state contributes, the OAS gives one vote to each member state, no matter how large or small.
US sway in the OAS is a reflection of how much the US can directly influence the policies of OAS members. So as South American nations have voted in progressive governments which have stood up to the US economic agenda, the OAS is reflecting the power struggle between South America and the indivisible US-Canada block.
Many of the countries expected to side with the US over readmission of Honduras are small Caribbean nations with populations under a million people, or Central American nations still undermined by ongoing and historical massive violence.
The coup in Honduras is driving a wedge between North and South America, especially when coupled with other deep divides, such as the formal accusations by Colombia that Venezuela is providing safe haven for the FARC.
As these very real and even violent divisions are being played out in diplomatic forums like the traditionally US dominated OAS, the newly formed UNASUR and SICA, it seems as though the Americas are moving into a new chapter in history.
Will the US maintain (or regain) political, military and economic dominance in the region? What means is the US willing to employ to do that, and what will it cost us, Americans in the broad use of the word, in lives, atrocities and enforced poverty?
If the US government is going to support a return to the military governments and terror that devastated Latin America form the 1960s to 1980s (and continues in Colombia) it becomes ever more urgent to take a cold hard look at what the National Security Doctrine did to Latin America.
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WHAT TO DO
FUNDS ARE NEEDED: Since the coup, June 28, 2009, Rights Action has sent over $100,000 to community based Honduran organizations doing a range of work: poverty eradication and community development education and organizing; human rights defense and promotion; media (radio, publications and internet); human rights accompaniment; reporting; emergency support for victims or repression and human rights violations; transportation; communication (phone, internet); camera work (film and still); travel to forums and negotiations; etc.
TAX DEDUCTIBLE DONATIONS
To support the Honduras pro-community development, pro-democracy, anti-military coup movement, make check payable to "Rights Action" and mail to:
UNITED STATES: Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887
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CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS: http://rightsaction.org/contributions.htm
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